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He emphasized spiritual freedom sobornost and Russia's unique historical mission. Whereas the West was built upon coercion and slavery, he said, Russia was founded and maintained by consent, freedom, and peace. Yuri A. Samarin — supported Khomiakov's view, arguing that society, if left to its own devices, would be torn apart by division and conflict because individualism only promoted selfishness and isolation, and thus a strong centralized state and leader were needed to maintain order.

This was a clear reference to the danger that Russia would see a rerun of the Revolutions of As he saw it, chaos would ensue if Russia followed the example of Western liberalism by introducing constitutionalism and a system of checks and balances. Other proponents included the Aksakov brothers, Ivan and Konstantin.


Ivan, at the height of his influence in the late s, favored the liberation of the Balkan Slavs, whereas Konstantin advocated the emancipation of the serfs and was a proponent of the village commune mir. Both wanted to preserve Russian traditions and maintain the ties between the Slavic peoples. In Ivan Aksakov in particular, one sees clear evidence of the emergence of Panslavism, which advocated the political and cultural unity of the Slavic peoples. Classical Slavophilism eventually gave way to two other variants of the doctrine.

The moderate wing of the Slavophile movement is associated with Mikhail P. Pogodin — and Fyodor I.

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Tyutchev — Pogodin, a historian and publisher whose conservative journal The Muscovite — defended the policies of Nicholas I, was professor of Russian history at Moscow University — and wrote a history of Russia 7 vols. Tyutchev was a lyric poet and essayist who spent most of his life — abroad in the diplomatic service and later wrote poetry of a nationalist and Panslavist orientation. The radical wing of slavophilism was epitomized by Nikolai Y.

Danilevsky — As outlined in his Russia and Europe , Danilevsky's aim was to unite all the countries and peoples who spoke Slavic languages on the grounds that they possessed common cultural, economic, and political goals. Whereas in the seventeenth century such aims only received limited government support, Panslavism became stronger than ever in the post-Napoleonic period and especially after Russia's defeat in the Crimean War. From the mid-nineteenth century onward, as Prussia tried to assimilate the Slavs, the Slavophiles called for solidarity against foreign oppression, and with this goal in mind many advocated the establishment of a federation.

This was necessary, in Danilevsky's view, in order to protect all Slavs from European expansion in the east.

Russia is a democratic federation

The Russian government in the s used these ideas to justify russification and an increasingly expansionist policy. All in all, with the advance of Russian liberalism and constitutionalism at the end of the nineteenth century, the Panslavists tried to distance themselves from the classical and moderate Slavophiles. The demise of Slavophilism in the nineteenth century was primarily due to the widespread divisions between those favoring conservative reform and those advocating a more extremist Panslavism.

Like the populists, many Slavophiles argued that Nicholas I was incapable of reform, as shown by his repressive reign, and thus a more nationalist stance was needed. Between the Russian Revolution and the rise of Josef Stalin , this ideology was largely rejected by the Soviet regime, but following the rise of National Socialism in Germany , Panslavism was revived, and it became very prominent during World War II. In the late Soviet period and especially in the post-communist era, the Slavophile ideology was once again promoted by Vladimir Zhirinovsky and other nationalists who sought to put Russia first and to protect it against a hostile West.

Thus the legacy of the Slavophiles remains important and influential in contemporary Russia. See also: mir; nationalism in tsarist empire; nation and nationality; panslavism; nicholas i; peter i; russian orthodox church; russification; table of ranks; westernizers. Devlin, Judith.

London: Macmillan. Walicki, Andrei. Hilda Andrews-Rusiecka. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

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Williams, Christopher, and Hanson, Stephen E. From until , General Lebed served as the commander of the th Guards Airborne Division , and later became the deputy head of the Russian Airborne Troops.


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The general also played a key role in ending the military phase of the conflict in Moldova between Transnistrian separatists and the Moldovan government in , as the commander of the Russian 14th Army. Popular among the army, when he resigned his commission in to enter politics Lebed was also regarded as being charismatic by the public, in contrast to other Russian politicians in the s, with polls showing his popularity being ahead of Yeltsin's for some time. As the Secretary of the Security Council in the president's administration after the election he also led the negotiations that ended the First Chechen War.

Although Lebed was compared by some Western and Russian analysts to Augusto Pinochet and Napoleon Bonaparte , he was considered to be the most popular candidate for the presidential election of during the second term of President Yeltsin. After getting elected as governor of Krasnoyarsk Krai in , however, he decided to stay in that position and did not run for president, despite calls for him to do so.

General Lebed held the position until his death in the helicopter crash. In his youth he was not a bad student but preferred boxing and chess. During that time he worked at a factory. In , as an officer of the Soviet Airborne Troops , Lebed became a battalion commander in Afghanistan during the Soviet war there.

During his time in Afghanistan, Lebed became popular with the troops under his command. He held this position until at which point he attended the Frunze Military Academy. In , Lebed became the commander of the th Guards Airborne Division. He and his troops took part in the suppression of uprisings throughout the Soviet Caucasus, in Georgia and Azerbaijan , in which he refused to use brutality to put down the protestors.

By , Lebed held the rank of major general and became second in command of the Airborne Troops. Grachev would thus become his main rival. General Lebed's actions in Moldova increased his popularity among the Russian public, and Russian nationalists in particular.

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  • After catching public attention with his actions in Moldova in , the general came to be perceived as being an honest, antiestablishment patriot who stood against government corruption and wanted to restore order. Lebed was not necessarily in favor of democracy and had a mixed opinion of it, but did praise both Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet—saying that Pinochet was able to revive Chile by "putting the army in first place" because "preserving the army is the basis for preserving the government"—and the French leader Charles de Gaulle.

    General Lebed ended up joining the centrist, nationalistic political movement known as the Congress of Russian Communities. Shortly after winning a seat in the State Duma, Lebed officially launched his long-anticipated campaign for the Russian presidency in the election.

    Lebed ran as a "law and order" candidate promising to curb both street crime and government corruption, [16] as well as also promising to end the unpopular First Chechen War that had been started by President Yeltsin in Due to his populist approach he was compared to Vladimir Zhirinovsky , but lacking the latter's aggressive nationalism. Up through May, Lebed flirted with the possibility of forming third force coalition with other candidates, however negotiations for this failed.

    In the first round of the election on 16 June , he came in third place behind Yeltsin and Zyuganov, with Shortly after taking office as chairman of the Security Council, following Yeltsin's victory against Zyuganov in the July runoff, Lebed led negotiations with the Chechen President, Aslan Maskhadov. Lebed was given authority as President Yeltsin's representative and the resulting agreement became known as the Khasavyurt Accords.

    Yeltsin stated that he was "acting without proper authority" and Chernomyrdin accused General Lebed of "Bonapartism", while Kulikov even claimed Lebed was plotting a coup. After Chernomyrdin and Kulikov made their accusations, it caused a scandal that led to the President firing Lebed as national security chief. After his firing, there was some indication that General Lebed intended to run for the presidency again in the Russian presidential election.

    His visit to the United States in January was viewed as an effort to win over American business interests as the best successor to Yeltsin, and included a meeting with Donald Trump at Trump Tower. Reportedly, he discussed potential construction projects in Moscow that Trump could be involved in. One Western analyst stated about Lebed, "He may perceive that Yeltsin benefited greatly from support from the Americans in the last campaign. Bill Clinton made a trip to Moscow during the campaign.

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    And the International Monetary Fund extended loans that enabled the Government to make credible promises to pay wages. Overall Lebed was said to have left a good impression on the American businessmen that he met. On 7 September , Lebed alleged during an interview that a hundred Soviet-made suitcase-sized nuclear weapons designed for sabotage "are not under the control of the armed forces of Russia". The government of the Russian Federation rejected Lebed's claims and stated that such weapons had never been created.

    In , the general decided to run for governor of the Krasnoyarsk Krai the second largest region in Russia , wanting to get out of the politics in Moscow after his ouster from the Yeltsin administration. He ended up winning the election for governor, defeating the incumbent Valery Zubov , despite being a complete outsider. There was speculation that he would run for the presidency in , with Moscow mayor Yuri Luzhkov being projected as his main opponent at that time.

    During his time in Moldova, the general called the separatist Transnistrian government as "hooligans" and considered the Moldovan authorities as "fascists. Lebed did not consider Ukraine and Belarus to be separate countries from Russia, [ citation needed ] nor did he consider the Ukrainian and Belarusian languages separate from the Russian. He was survived by his wife, Inna, two sons, a daughter, and his brother Aleksey. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Alexander Lebed. Lebed at a news conference in Moscow. Main article: Alexander Lebed presidential campaign, Retrieved 23 November The New York Times.

    Retrieved 2 September General Alexander Lebed. The Guardian.

    О проблеме межцивилизационных отношений России и зарубежной Европы в начале XXI века

    The Telegraph 29 April BBC News 30 April Brezhnev Reconsidered. Palgrave Macmillan. Central Connecticut State University. Pavel Grachev: General and politician who came unstuck in Chechnya.